ࡱ> gidef#` bjbj @|H C\9 RL< 8<( H\ (HHHrrrN$h h+@P"++HH+@H8H+H N? 5 0Ht(f,fhJX<r vH++++   Vh&   h    Chapter 6 Transitive Verbs and Nonreferential Objects 1. Introduction: An overview of referenential and nonreferential arguments As the term referential is used in this book, it signifies an argument that can be referred to or commented on in subsequent discourse. It is, therefore, a pragmatic concept. Nonreferential indicates that there is no possibility of mentioning the argument in subsequent discourse. The referential/nonreferential contrast should be distinguished from the following oppositions: definite vs. indefinite: whereas a definite is familiar to or identifiable by both speaker and hearer (or addressee) an indefinite is not. Thus in English I read the book last night! assumes that the addressee knows what book is being referred to. Pass me the wine assumes that among the many drinks on the table the hearer can idenfity the wine (from the grape juice) and that there is only one bottle. But I read a book last night does not imply that the addressee knows or can identify the book read (although the speaker obviously knows, hence it is specific). With plural nouns definiteness often implies inclusiveness, i.e., all the relevant members of a class: The children are out playing (i.e., all the children in a nursery). specific vs. nonspecific: Indefinite nouns or noun phrases may be specific (referring to an identifiable entity) or nonspecific, lacking such identity. Thus I saw a movie last night is indefinite (not known or easily identifiable by hearer) but specific. But if one is in Oapan the day before a wedding and hears squealing at four in the morning: They are slaughtering a pig is both indefinite and nonspecific. The question of definiteness and indefiniteness (as well as specificity) will be discussed further in the chapters on nouns. At this point it may simply be noted that definiteness is not overtly marked in Nahuatl but is rather a function of discourse context: Indefinite and nonspecific Ne:chpolowa ma:choh -ne:ch-polowa- ma:choh 3sgS-1sgO-to.be.lacking.to-pres.sg male.mule I am lacking a mule (e.g., said by someone tired of walking a long way who is wishing for a mule, any mule) Indefinite and specific Ya:lwa o:nihko:w tlake:ntli. Ya:lwa o:-ni-h-ko:w- tlake:n-tli yesterday compl-1sgS-3sgO-to.buy-perfv.sg clothes-abs I bought clothes yesterday (e.g., the speaker knows what he bought, i.e., it is specific, but it is indefinite or unknown to addressee) Definite and specific Ay, o:mik ma:choh! Ay, o:--mik- ma:choh Ay, compl-3sgS-to.die-perfv.sg male.mule Ay, the mule died! (e.g., said by a man who discovers that the familys only mule has died) This chapter is concerned not with the above distinctions (definiteness/indefiniteness and specificity/nonspecificity, all of which are treated in an advanced volume) but rather what is here considered referentiality or discourse referentiality, a concept that is important in understanding Nahuatl verb morphology and argument structure. The definition used here is as follows: referentiality vs. nonreferentiality: An argument is nonreferential when it is not available as a discourse topic. An intransitive verb with a nonreferential subject is, essentially, solely a reference to the verbal event, i.e., verb occurs. A transitive verb with a nonreferential subject must also have a nonreferential object (the topic of this chapter). Again, the meaning of a transitive verb with both a nonreferential subject and object is verb occurs although in this case there no mention of either the subject or the object. 2. Summary of the referential and nonreferential argument markers In chapter 3 the referential subject markings for verbs was introduced. To review, note the following intransitive paradigm, with the referential subject in bold and parsed out along with the tense/aspect/number marker (here all with the verb kalaki to enter): ni-kalaki-ti-kalaki-hti-kalaki-nin-kalaki-h-kalaki--kalaki-h A transitive paradigm, here with the object prefixes parsed out and in bold, is as follows (with 3rd-person subjects for the verb a:mihtia to make thirsty): -ne:ch-a:mihtia--te:ch-a:mihtia--mits-a:mihtia--me:ch-a:mihtia--k-a:mihtia--k-a:mihtia- The 3rd-person subject and object markers may be definite or indefinite, specific or nonspecific (see examples above), but they are always referential in the sense here employed. Yet apart from these referential subject and object markers, Nahuatl has nonreferential markers as follows: For intransitives: -lo suffix indicating nonreferential human subjects tla- prefix indicating nonreferential nonhuman subjects For transitives: tla- prefix indicating nonreferential nonhuman objects te:- prefix indicating nonreferential human objects no- prefix indicating nonreferential objects that are corefential with the nonreferential subject (i.e., used in reflexive constructions) There are several important points to consider: For both nonreferential subjects and nonreferential objects Nahuatl distinguishes between humans and nonhumans. Indeed this is all the such markers communicate. The meaning of tla- as a prefix to an intransitive verb (as a nonreferential subject) is distinct from its meaning as a prefix to a transitive verb (as a nonreferential object). Thus to know the meaning and function of tla- preceding a verb, one must know the valency of that verb. With intransitives tla- is a nonreferential subject, with transitives it is a nonreferential object that follows a referential subject. the reflexive no- is nonreferential only when it is accompanied by the -lo nonreferential subject suffix (thus the use of the reflexive marker in nonreferential constructions will be covered in the following chapter) This chapter will focus on nonreferential objects, which are by definition limited to transitive verbs. The following chapter examines nonreferential subjects, which are found with both intransitive and transitive verbs. 3. Nonreferential objects in Nahuatl: an introduction Nahuatl has two prefixes that when used with transitive verbs can only mark a nonreferential object: te:- for human objects tla- for nonhuman objects However, even though the object markers are nonreferential they do indicate whether the object is human or nonhuman. They have often been (mis)translated as meaning someone and something. Although occasionally such translations must be used for lack of an alternative, they are not accurate. Nahuatl does have lexical equivalents of these English termsyekah someone and itlah somethingbut these are crossreferenced on the verb with a referential 3rd-person marker and are quite different in discourse function than the nonreferential markers: Yekah nihtete:mowa yekah ni-h-tete:mowa- someone 1sgS-3sgO-to.look.for-pres.sg I look for someone Itlah nihtete:mowa itlah ni-h-tete:mowa- something 1sgS-3sgO-to.look.for-pres.sg I look for something In both cases the discourse could easily continue with some reference to the argument: Yekah nihtete:mowa, nihwi:kilia tomi:n. Im looking for someone, I owe him money (used, for example, if the speaker does not want the hearer to know the identity of the person to whom money is owed) Itlah nihtete:mowa, xnimitsihli:s tli:no:n, pero we:i Im looking for something, Im not going to tell you what (it is), but it is big. If nonreferential object markers (te:- or tla-) were to be used instead of yekah and itlah there could be no subsequent reference to the object. Note the following: Itlah o:kikowato, ne:si tla: i kwahli kinemakas He went to buy something, it seems he will later sell it In the preceding the object of o:kikowato is the object of kinemakas. A similar sequence is not possible with the nonreferential object: O:tlakowato, ?ne:si tla: i kwahli kinemakas He went shopping, ?it seems that he will later sell it The preceding illustrates why something is a poor translation for tla- (and mutatis mutandi, someone is a poor translation for te:-). It shows that the best translation of Nahuatl transitive verbs with a nonreferential marker might often utilize a nominalization (e.g., shopping). Concomitantly, the subject of a predicate that follows a nonreferential object often refers to the predicate event itself or the subject, never to the object: Tite:mihtia, xkwahli. ti-te:-mihtia- x--kwahli 2sgS-NonRefHum-to.kill-pres.sg neg-3sgS-good You kill, its not right (note that xkwahli cannot refer to the badness of the person killed but only to the badness of the predicate verbal event) Tlamihtia, nakakwa ti-tla-mihtia-, ti-nakakwa- 2sgS-NonRefNHum-to.kill-pres.sg 12gS-to.eat.meat-pres.sg He engages in slaughtering, he eats meat (one could not say Tlamihtia, kikwa:sneki, i.e, He engages in slaughtering, ?he eats it.) In the case of the Nahuatl transitive verb mihtia, English offers two verbs that communicate the difference in meaning between mihtia with the nonreferential human prefix te:- and the same verb with the nonreferential nonhuman prefix tla-. Another example might be with the verb kwa. Note the following: nite:kwa I bite nitlakwa I eat In English I bite with no object suggests a person who bites humans, whereas I eat suggests a nonhuman object. Thus the verb chosen in English may suffice to make a distinction (between human and nonhuman nonreferential arguments) that in Nahuatl is communicated through the opposition te:- vs. tla-. However, with many Nahuatl transitives with a nonreferential object prefix there is no clearly available English translation that avoids making use of conventions such as someone, people, something, things, or similar words, to express the nonreferential object: nite:tete:mowa I look around for people nitlatete:mowa I look around for things There is perhaps no easy, or better, way to translate nite:tete:mowa and nitlatete:mowa than to utilize devices such as the words people and things. But these simply reflect the inability of the English language, when such a distinction is not implicit in the verb, to communicate the +human or human features of an object without recourse to an overt nominal. 4. Object deletion in English: a paradigm for understanding similar Nahuatl structures In Nahuatl the use of te:- and tla- is similar to, but not the same as, object deletion in English. At the very least, a brief exploration of this process in English reveals considerations that are significant in interpreting Nahuatl object nonreferentiality. Note that in many languages, including English the objects of certain transitive verbs can simply be deleted. Thus one can use clean, cook, eat, hunt, and paint, among other transitive verbs, without an overtly expressed object (which is nevertheless implied maintaining the basic semantic transitivity of the verb despite the lack of an overt grammatical object). The Nahuatl equivalent of these preceding English verbs with object deletion would be transitive verbs with the nonreferential object prefix tla- (underlined in the following). Thus, for example: nitlachipa:was I will clean titlakwa you eat tlatlapahlo:tia s/he paints Some English verbs, however, can never undergo object deletion (e.g., find; cf. ?I already found, which is never correct in any context to I already looked, which is correct in some contexts, see below). In Nahuatl, however, there are very few (if any) transitive verbs that cannot take at least one of the nonreferential object markers. Thus the Nahuatl transitive verb to find is ne:xtia, and this can be expressed with a nonreferential object: e.g., nitlane:xtia. This can be a logical response in a given context (a) or have a contextually independent, culturally specific meaning (b): Ok titlatete:mowa? Are you still looking around (for sth)? Ka:yoweh, o:nitlane:xtih! No, Ive found (what I was looking for). The culturally specific meaning of tlane:xtia is to find a mate: Xkaman tlane:xti:s, tlawe:leh! He will never find a spouse, hes bad-tempered. Another group of English verbs can delete the object only in particular contexts, as illustrated in the following exchange involving the verb to look (taken from Allerton, 1975, p. 214) A. I cant find my book.B. Well, look for it.A. Ive already looked! In English one can initiate an exchange with look, but this only occurs in certain contexts, e.g. the imperative Look! when the direction of speakers gaze provides a clear clue to that is supposed to be of interest. That is, look allows object deletion only when context of discourse antecedents have defined the object. A related type of object deletion occurs when a transitive verb with various senses accepts object deletion, but only with certain senses. Again, context provides the clue as to meaning of the deleted object. Fillmore (1986, p. 1002) gives several examples along the lines of the following: He lost the race / the election / the contest. He lost his wallet / the key to the office. But simple He lost can only be understood as referring to losing a type of competition, and not a material object. A second set of verbs permit context-free object deletion. The transitive verb can be expressed without an object irregardless of previous discourse or the actual context. In other words, a speaker can simply utter the transitive verb without its overt object and the meaning will be understood, though this will be a specific acceptation of the verb. An example would be English to eat (and the Spanish cognate comer). In English to eat means in effect to eat a meal (whereas in Spanish comer means to eat a midday meal). Note that unlike look (see above), eat cannot be expressed without an object without implying that what was eaten was a meal. Likewise the verb to drink when used without an overt object cannot signify anything but to drink an alcoholic beverage. ?Hes very thirsty thats why hes drinking. Or, John is drinking again. The first type of deletion mentioned above (section 4.1) was called contextual deletion by Allerton; Fillmore refered to the situation as one of definite null complements, where the missing element must be retrieved from something given in the context (p. 96). The second type of deletion is referred to by both authors as indefinite deletion (Fillmore uses the term indefinite null complement to refer to the object, which is unknown or a matter of indifference (p. 96). Both scenarios are important to understanding the meaning, use, and best translation for Nahuatl verbs with the nonspecific object prefixes te:- or tla-. Thus if we look at object deletion in English we can see the following types, in a very preliminary sketch: Context dependent Never accepted: e.g., the verb find Accepted only in specific contexts: e.g., the verb look Accepted only with specific meaning of the verb: e.g., the verb lost (which allows object deletion only with the sense of losing a type of competition) Context independent Can be deleted in any context, or out of context, in which case it has a specific culturally determined meaning, e.g., the verb eat. There is, finally, a Nahuatl construction with nonreferential objects that has not been much discussed in the literature. This involves the overt expression of the referential object but not as a core argument marked on the verb, but as an oblique argument following the conjunction ya:. This construction, is similar to an antipassive and is discussed after the first two cases: context dependent and context independent deletion. The following sections will examine context dependent use of nonreferential objects, context independent use of nonreferential objects, and the antipassive. The chapter concludes with a brief look at some irregularities and then a summary of the positioning of the markers on transitive verbs. 5. Context dependent object deletion in Nahuatl Transitive Nahuatl verbs have a paradigmatic slot for the object. For referential objects this is immediately after the subject pronominal prefix; for nonreferential object markers it is immediately to the left of the verb, with te:- preceding tla- when both are present in ditransitive verbs (see chapter xx). Therefore a transitive verb must always have an object, either with a referential or a nonreferential marker. One can never say simply kwa, but always kikwa, mitskwa, tlakwa and other forms with an overt object prefix. Speakers may often wish to refer to a transitive verbal activity without wishing to go into details (so to speak). Nahuatl offers speakers this possibility through the nonreferential markers. Thus, in passing someone on the streets of Oapan, a standard greeting is: p Tontlakowas? Are you going shopping? (lit., Are you going to buy) Or again, once the object is clearly known, speakers may simply chose to focus on the predicate event, without feeling the necessity to repeat the specific object: Tihpale:wi:s Juan? Will you help Juan? Ke:mah, nontlapale:wi:s i:cha:n! Yes, Im going to help out at his house! 2. The semantics of nonreferential objects in Nahuatl 2.1 Nonreferential objects and transitive morphology 2.2 Backgrounding the object Although Nahuatl transitive verbs require the use of an object (be it referential or nonreferential) in the paradigmatic slot reserved for objects (see table 5.2), there are various reasons that a nonreferential object may be used. The most obvious is that the object is not known to the speaker. The use of a nonreferential object marker is often a pragmatic device to background the object. There may be several reasons for this. In the most common case the speaker expresses the 2. Preliminary observations on the use of te:- and tla- It is also the case in Nahuatl that valency increasing devices (such as the causative and the applicative) are generally much clearer in their effects than valency reducing devices (such as the passive, object deletion, the antipassive, and the middle voice with reflexive markers). This means that it much less clear whether forms such as tlakwa, tlana:nkilia, and others are best understood as transitive verbs with a nonspecific object, as intransitives, or as something imbetween (which is most likely the case). In Nahuatl te:- is used for a nonspecific object (pending further clarification below) that is human. There are no exceptions to this and it is precisely for this reason that the meaning of any transitive verb with the te:- prefix is fairly fixed: nite:pale:wia I help people or nonte:pale:wi:s I will go lend a hand (where people are working). The interpretation of te:- will not vary; what will vary is whether a translator will wish to include such nonspecific markers such as people in the translation. Thus consider 1) te:kwa:ni notskwin -te:-kwa:-ni no-tskwin- 3sgS-NSpHumO-to.bite-event 1sgPoss-dog-al.possd.sg My dog bites (? My dog bites people) 2) o:te:kwah notskwin o:-te:-kwah- no-tskwin- compl-NSpNumO-to.bite-perfv.sg 1sgPoss-dog-al.possd.sg My dog bit someone (* My dog bit) In the first example the object deletion responds to the fact that the verbal phrase refers to a habitual quality or characteristic of the dog, and the fact that people are being bitten is understood. (Note that the same phrase can also be interpreted as a perfect of experience: My dog has bitten.). In the second example the use of someone is required by English syntax. However, the two someones are different. In English the pronoun is referential: My dog bit someone, he was trying to get into the house. In Nahuatl the te:- is nonreferential: O:te:kwah notswin, kinekiya kalakis nocha:n (lit. My dog bit someone, he wanted to get into my house). Nahuatl grammar precludes any reference to the te:- in subsequent discourse, a situation completely different from that of English. Thus even if one translated te:- as someone, the pronoun does not function in Nahuatl as it does in English. Ostensibly tla- is the prefix for nonhuman and nonspecific objects. It often functions to distinguish a nonhuman (which can be animate or inanimate) from a human patient: 3) nite:mihtia ni-te:-mihtia- 1sgS-NSpHumO-to.kill-pres.sg I kill people (i.e., Im an assassin) 4) nitlamihtia (Oa) ni-tla-mihtia- 1sgS-NSpNHumO-to.kill-pres.sg I kill animals (i.e., Im a butcher) In some cases the difference may be subtle 5) nite:wiwi:kaltia ni-te:-wiwikaltia- 1sgS-NSpHumO-to.insult-pres.sg I swear at (insult) people 6) nitlawiwi:kaltia (Am) ni-tla-wiwi:kaltia- (Am) 1sgS-NSpNHumO-to.insult-pres.sg I swear outloud The difference between (5) and (6) is that the former has a human as the entity to which the swearing is directed. Thus the subject of te:uwi:kaltia (Am) is someone who swears at or insults others. However, the subject of tlauwi:kaltia (Am) is someone who simply swears, who lets out curses when he feels like it. In other cases tla- is conventionally used even when the object is always human. Thus one has tla:kwa:te:kia he baptizes and less often te:kwa:te:kia. Indeed, the latter has more of a focusing effect: It is people he baptizes. Another interesting case is with the verb pale:wia 7) nonte:pale:wi:s n-on-te:-pale:wi:-s 1sgS-extra.dir-to.help-fut.sg I will go help (people) out 8) tlapale:wia -tla-pale:wia- 3sgS-NSpNHumO-to.help-pres.sg He helps out or It is a support (lit., it supports or props things) Note that (8) can be used to indicate a person (subject) who helps others out, or an object, that props or supports other things (e.g, ma:ka xki:xtili, tlapale:wia Dont take it away from it (e.g, a beam from a falling wall), its helping out (i.e, serving as a support). The causative nemi:tia with tla- also has both an idiomatic sense (used in the negative), and one that refers to nonspecific humans: 9) xwel tlanemi:tia nowa:kax x-wel -tla-nemi:tia- no-wa:kax- neg-be.able.to 3sgS-NSpNHumO-pres.sg 1poss-head.of.cattle-al.possd.sg My cow is unable to keep her offspring alive (i.e., calves are always dying on my cow) This last example is similar to the culturally determined meaning of to eat in English as to eat a meal (not simply to eat something). There are many transitive verbs with a tla- prefix that have a culturally specific meaning. More importantly, speakers recognize this and will respond in a way that demonstrates this recognition. Note the following Oapan conversation: A Ka:ny: o:yah mokone:w?A Where did your child go?B O:tlapilo:to.B He went fishing (by hanging lines and hooks from stakes sunk in the river)? In this interaction the meaning of to fish is clear. It is unclear whether other meanings are possible, but the preceding is a quite common exchange in Oapan. This section has presented the basic ways in which te:- and tla- may be used with transitive verbs. Tla- is particularly versatile: it may at times refer to human nonspecific objects, it may at times refer to a culturally specific or understood object. Quite often the meaning of a form with tla- is idiomatic, as evidenced in the construction tlanemi:tia. 5. Discourse functions of tla- and the antipassive One basic function of tla- is to background the object and foreground the agent and verbal predicate. The diagram presented in the previous chapter permits a graphic representation of this structure. Consider the clause nikekwania i:n tetl I move this rock in which the specific 3rd-person object k- crossreferences the noun tetl. Now consider the scenario with the nonspecific nonhuman object prefix tla- as in nitlayekwania I move things: In the second clause tla- functions to focus attention on the agent and verbal predicate. The speaker is asserting that he will engage in a particular and specified action as agent, but without specifying the patient. There may be several reasons for this. Most likely in this scenario is that the objects themselves are diverse and many and it would be difficult to specify them precisely. There might be other reasons. Perhaps someone has said that he could not get through a given area (because of the many things that were blocking the way). The assertion nitlayekwania (or, in the future, nitlayekwani:s) might be best translated as Ill get things out of the way. In the example of tlayekwania, unlike tlakwa (to eat a meal) or tlapilowa (to fish or to make totopoxtli, a type of thin, ruffled, and toasted tortilla) there is no culturally specific meaning to tlayekwania. This form represents the simple backgrounding of the specific object in order to highlight the verbal event and the subject who effects it. In this sense, the Nahuatl use of tla- functions like an antipassive in other languages, such as Maya. Further evidence that Nahuatl use of tla- represents an antipassive-like function is the oblique expression of the object through the subordinator ika (Am) or ya: (Oa). 10) Wel tlakopi:na ika ixtli (Am) wel -tla-kopi:na- ika ix-tli aux.able comp-NSpNHumO-to.let.out-pres.sg subord hemp-abs He can let out maguey fiber (i.e., in helping someone spin rope) This can be compared to: 11) kikopi:na ixtli -ki-kopi:na- ix-tli 3sgS-3sgO-to.let.out-pres.sg hemp-abs He lets out the hemp Note that in (10) the object is not specific and not individuated. There is no reference or possible reference to any specific clump of hemp. Rather, the sentence refers to a general ability of the subject to let things out (as in letting strands of fiber out as they are twined around each other). Indeed, one could imagine a scenario in which the oblique is not necessary or not used. For example, two individuals go out to make rope and one says to the other: newa nitlakopi:nas, tewa titlatetsi:lo:s Ill be the one to let out (the hemp), you be the one to twist it tight. Given that tlakopi:na may be used to refer to letting things out that are not hemp, it is often necessary to specify what the understood object is. This is accomplished by means of the Nahuatl antipassive which accomplishes two discourse goals: it focuses on the agent and the predicate verbal event it keeps a nonspecific or general interpretation of the patient (hemp as opposed to the hemp) The range of variation in Nahuatl voice can be exemplified in the following table. Several of the forms will be discussed in later chapters, but the presentation here begins to document the subleties of meaning that may occur in Nahuatl verbs: Another more subtle use of the nonreferential objects is found in constructions that still maintain an oblique reference to the specific object. This is particularly true in cases in which the subject is nonreferential. Note the following phrases (from Ameyaltepec Nahuatl): Table 6.1 a)kinechikuwan tlayo:hliThey collect maize (i.e., as part of a collection to help or gather funds).b)tlanechikuwan ika tlayo:hliThey take up a collection of maizec)nonechikuwa tlayo:hliMaize is collected.d)tlanechiko:lo ika tlayo:hliA collection is being taken up of maize. The first phrase (a) is simply a direct transitive statement, with specific and identifiable 3-person plural agents, they. The object collected, maize, is expressed as a specific object. It is marked directly on the verb (ki-) and identified by a nominal in the expected postverbal position. The following phrase (b) again indicates specific 3-person plural agents. But here the patient is expressed obliquely through the use of the postpositional ika with, while the verb has a nonreferential object prefix. The focus now, in contrast to the previous phrase, is on the very action of collecting; the fact that it is maize that is being collected is more incidental to the discourse than it was in (a), but there is a specific agent. The third phrase (c) reflects the basic form for a passive with inanimate objects and a nonreferential agent. Here maize (tlayo:hli) is in the subject position; the agents, i.e. those collecting the maize, are not referenced nor can they be. (The structure is similar to the Spanish reflexive construction, se junta maz. except that no equivalent of the por construction is possible). The final phrase is the Nahuatl antipassive with a nonspecific subject (cf. to b). It indicates that an event of collecting is being performed and then specifies what the object of interest is: maize. Impersonal (subjectless) constructions with -lo will be explored in chapter 8 as will the limits on expressing a specific patient with a nonspecific agent as in the passive I will be paid. Another important function of the nonspecific objects is that they may control how new information is introduced into a discourse situation. They can be part of a discourse strategy whereby certain information is backgrounded (i.e., the identity of the patient) while other information is foregrounded (i.e., the verbal action itself). Again, a good way to conceptualize the meaning of the nonreferential pronouns is to imagine the discourse sequence within which they would be used. The nonspecific object prefixes may also serve a disambiguating function in discourse that involves two third person participants. Consider the statement Jorge kipale:wia Juan. This will usually mean Jorge helps Juan. But with a slight pause after Jorge it might indicate the reverse situation, with focalization: As to Jorge, Juan helps him. If a hearer is confused about which of the two individuals is the agent and which the patient, the speaker might add, Te:pale:wia Juan Juan (is the one who) will help. Three basic functions of the nonreferential object prefixes have already been presented. The first was to occupy a syntactic slot in the verbal paradigm when the speaker lacks any particular knowledge about the patient of the transitive event. A second function was to remove any referentiality or potential for referentiality toward the patient. The speaker might simply wish to not reveal this particular bit of information; or he or she might wish to foreground or emphasize other aspects of the situation (e.g., the event itself, or the agent). Finally, the nonreferential prefixes can function to disambiguate between 3rd person agents and patients, either as part of an additional clarifying clause, or as part of an interrogatory statement. In sum, this section has examined the various uses of the nonreferential object prefixes te:- (+human) and tla- (generally, but not always, -human). At times these prefixes are used simply to occupy a morphological slot that must be occupied (a situation that occurs particularly when the speaker does not know the identity of the object). In this use it is similar to English intransitive verbs that manifest indefinite deletion (e.g., I am going to help). However, in addition, the use of te:- and tla- should be considered a pragmatic device that speakers may use to control the relative saliency of participants in a transitive verbal event, backgrounding the patient/object and foregrounding the agent and verbal predicate. 4. Nonreferential and specific arguments (agent and patient)animate and inanimate The sensitivity of Nahuatl to the distinction between specific and nonspecific (nonreferential) arguments is manifested in the ways in which specificity can combine in regards to the two arguments in a transitive verbal predication. The following tables present a schematic vision of the limitations that Nahuatl grammar imposes on various combinations of agent and patient marking on verbs in which the relevant parameters are specific vs. nonreferential and human vs. nonhuman. The shaded boxes represent combinations that cannot be directly marked on the transitive verb with nonreferential affixes and must instead be realized in ways (e.g., through reflexives or through intransitive verbs) that do not rely exclusively on these nonreferential pronominal arguments marked on the verb. Many such forms involve the impersonal suffix -lo, which will be discussed in chapter 8. Table 6.2 Argument Structure of Transitive Verbs (Ameyaltepec forms) 6.2a: Both arguments specific Both arguments specific AgentObjectVerb structureSpecific humanSpecific humannimitspale:wiaI help youSpecific humanSpecific nonhumannike:kchi:wa un kahliI build that houseSpecific nonhumanSpecific humanne:chamana tlatsotsonalistliThe music bothers meSpecific nonhumanSpecific nonhumankipa:tsowa a:tlThe water gets it wet The preceding table shows that there are no restrictions in Nahuatl on overt expression of agent and object when both are specific. That is, any combination can be expressed. The following table demonstrates the same lack of constrains when the agent is specific and the object is nonspecific (or nonreferential). 6.2b: Specific agent and nonspecific object Specific agent/nonreferential patient AgentObjectVerb structureSpecific humanNonreferential humannite:pale:wiaI help peopleSpecific humanNonreferential nonhumamnitlayekchi:waI build thingsSpecific nonhumanNonreferential human te:pasolowa tlatsotsonalistliThe music bothers peopleSpecific nonhumanNonreferential nonhumantlapa:tsowa a:tlWater gets things wet  However, Nahuatl does restrict transitive, active expressions when the specificity of the object is higher than that of the subject. An English construction would be one like People help me. The lexical gap in Nahuatl that inhibits the direct expression of such forms perhaps motivated the passive formation that is found in Classical Nahuatl in which the patient is expressed as subject and the agent is nonspecific (forms such as nipale:wi:lo, I am helped). As table 6.2c demonstates, there is a gap; how this is filled in Balsas Nahuatl is the subject of chapter 8. 6.2c: Nonspecific agent and specific subject Nonreferential agent/specific patientAgentObjectVerb structureNonreferential humanSpecific human??People help meNonreferential humanSpecific nonhuman??People build that houseNonreferentialnonhumanSpecific human??Things bother meNonreferentialnonhumanSpecific nonhuman??Things make it wet Finally there is the possibility of two nonspecific arguments, a structure that focuses on the verbal predicate event by backgrounding (making nonspecific) the participants. Table 6.2d illustrates the limits on these structures. Here another type of limitation is in place: the nonspecific agent must be equal to or higher in animacy than the patient otherwise a nonactive expression is used. Again, the forms that fill these lexical gaps are discussed in chapter 8. However the general pattern should be obvious: in Balsas Nahuatl when there is one nonspecific argument it must be the object; when both arguments are nonspecific the agent must be of a higher animacy than the object. 6.2d: Nonspecific agent and specific subject Both arguments nonreferentialAgentObjectVerbal structureNonreferential humanNonreferential humante:pale:wi:loPeople help peopleNonreferential humanNonreferential nonhumantlayekwani:loPeople move thingsNonreferential nonhumanNonreferential human??Things bother peopleNonreferential nonhumanNonreferential nonhuman??Things make things wet 5. Verbs that are both intransitive and transitive Up to now the assumption has been followed that all Nahuatl verbs are either intransitive or transitive, but never both. In general this is true, but there are exceptions. Some of these exceptions, verbs that appear to be both intransitive and transitive, are upon closer examination revealed not to be so. For example, as mentioned in chapter 3, in Classical Nahuatl the verb tomaua (Ameyaltepec toma:wa and toma:wi) would seem to have been both intransitive and transitive. Thus Molina has three entries under tomaua: tomaua.ni. engordar o crecer, o pararse gordo. pre. onitomauac.tomaua.nino. engordarse o pararse gruesso, o querer gomitar. Pre.onimotomauhtomaua.nitla. engordar, apacentar, o pensar algun ganado, o hablar con boz gorda. Preterito. onitlatomauh. The first is intransitive, as signaled by the solitary subject prefix, ni-, that follows the verb entry. The second and third entries are transitive, the first is a reflexive meaning to get fat and the third a transitive one, to fatten, to speak huskily. However, Molina also gives the perfective forms for each verb and here the intransitive (which adds -c) differs from the transitive (which loses the final vowel, -a). A number of verbs have the same surface form in the present indicative but vary in their inflected forms. In the example just given (and this is representative of all verbs that end in -a:wa) the intransitive and transitive differ in perfective (and pluperfective) formation. In verbs that end in -tia there is a difference between underlying {ti + ya}, an intransitive form, and underlying {ti + ha}, a transitive form. Again, although both appear as ending in tia in the present indicative kwaltia to get fixed (e.g., a broken radio) (intrans.) and kwaltia to fix (trans.) they differ in various inflected forms (e.g. o:kwaltiak (intrans.) and o:kikwaltih (trans.)). The preceding cases were of verbs that appear to be both transitive and intransitive but which, upon secondary examination of tense-aspect inflection are clearly verbs of different classes. However, there are Balsas Nahuatl verbs that truly do have the same structure (surface and underlying) in the intransitive and transitive (see table 6.3): Table 6.3 Balsas Nahuatl Verbs Both Intransitive and Transitive IntransitiveTranslationTransitiveTranslationpostekito become broken (something brittle)postekito break (something, e.g. stick, rod, etc.)xo:tlato become or get heated upxo:tlato scratch the surface ofasito arrive (there)asito catch; to grab; to overtakepanowato go to the other sidepanowato pass or spend a holiday in a particular placepo:kito smokepo:kito smoke (some specific object)te:mikito dreamte:mikito dream about (some specific person or event)ikitito weaveikitito weave (something)to:kato plantto:kato bury (someone or something) to plant (a specific crop, a piece of land) pixkato harvestpixkato harvest (something)ye:kpowato replant a field where a seed has not sproutedye:kpowato replant something where it has not sprouted The preceding ten verbs vary in how the alternation between intransitivity and transitivity is reflected semantically and morphologically. Only the first verb, posteki, shows no difference in meaning between the two forms, and no special morphological restrictions on the transitive. The difference between posteki (intrans.) and posteki (trans.) is parallel to that between, for example, koto:ni and koto:na. Moreover, like most transitive verbs, posteki can take the full range of object prefixes (specific, kiposteki; reflexive, noposteki; and nonreferential, tlaposteki). The second and third verbs slightly different meanings in the intransitive as compared to the transitive (as indicated in the translation columns of table 6.3. The fourth verb, panowa, seems to manifest a neologistic transitive meaning influenced by Spanish phrases such as aqu voy a pasar Navidad. Finally, the last six verbs are distinct and seem to indicate a basic quality of transitivity in Nahuatl. Unlike all other verbs, these do not accept tla- in the transitive form; instead the intransitive is used. The transitive form is only used with specific objects (kito:ka); with nonreferential objects the intransitive form is used (nito:ka as opposed to *nitlato:ka). Thus whereas one finds the variation nihkwa I eat it and nitlakwa I eat, here one finds, for example, nikpo:ki I smoke it and nipo:ki I smoke. Note the following (Ameyaltepec forms): nipo:kis para ma: nite:ntsonyowaIm going to smoke so that I will get a beard on my face.xnikpo:kis pa:mpa ne:chi:xiwinti:sIm not going to smoke it because itll make me dizzy nito:kas ipan se: me:stliIm going to plant in a monthnikto:kas in tla:hliIm going to plant that field there xkaman nite:miki I never dreamtimitsonte:mikisIll dream about you (e.g., while you are there on vacation) In the preceding six verbs (which are more common as intransitives than transitives) the overt expression of transitivity is linked to the specificity of the object in a way similar to the deletion of indefinite objects in English and Spanish. Viewed from another perspective, given that a nonreferential patient is lower on the scale of transitivity than a specific object, nonreferential transitive verbs can be expected to act more as intransitives (or shift into intransitive syntax) than verbs that are marked by a specific object. It is only in the rare instances that a speaker wishes to express a specific object that they become, in effect, transitive. Whether this is an innovation in the Balsas or whether such intransitive/transitive alternation is more common across Nahuatl dialects remains to be seen. 6. Summary This chapter explored the nature of nonspecific arguments in Nahuatl. The concept of a hierarchy has been introduced, e.g, the rule that the specificity of the agent must equal to or higher than that of the object. Moreover, the semantics of nonspecific objects has also been discussed, i.e., the degree to which the use of tla- indicates a culturally specific and context free meaning. Finally, there is a related construction is called the antipassive. Whereas in passive constructions the patient is expressed as subject and the agent is suppressed (or expressed obliquely in a prepositional clause), in the antipassive it is the patient that is suppressed. These forms are usually applied to ergative languages (in which the subject of an intransitive is marked differently than the agent of a transitive), but have relevance to languages such as Nahuatl where there is no formal difference between the two. In English the term has been applied to certain intransitive constructions when an apparently transitive verb is used without its object (such as eat). Whatever the choice in terminology, Nahuatl constructions with tla- often function to highlight or topicalize the agent and the event, while backgrounding the object. Moreover, it is quite common for the surpressed object to be expressed obliquely with the adposition ika or in Oapan, more commonly ya: (lit. with). Nitlaxiti:s ika notepalkawa:n I am going to fire my ceramics This type of construction will be further discussed below.   See. Christopher Lyons, Definiteness. New York: Cambridge University Press (1999).  Note that I saw the movie last night assumes that hearer also knows what movie is being talked about, e.g, the movie the teacher assigned as homework last week.  In Oapan one would actually find the form n:hte:mowa rather than nihtete:mowa, but this construction will be left for a later chapter. The verb tete:mowa has been chosen because its object can easily be either human or nonhuman.  In Oapan speakers would invariably use n:hte:mowa instead.  The list is taken from D. J. Allerton, Deletion and proform reduction, Journal of Linguistics 11(1975): 21337. This article and Charles J. Fillmore, Pragmatically controlled zero anaphora, Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 12(1986): 9617, have provided much of the theoretical basis for this chapter.  Thus the ditransitive verb maka to give (sth) to (sb) forms nite:tlamaka, which has the culturally specific meaning of I give food (to people).  These verbs are specified in the lexicon by the code tla-V2 in the \inc field, i.e., the field that codes the nature of incorporation in a Nahuatl verb.  Note that in general when the object is cross-referenced on the verb -te:miki, it refers to a person dreamed about directly, not an event; cf. timitste:miki I dream about you and nite:miki tidokt:r I dream that you are a doctor, without the specific 3rd person singular pronominal object prefix k(i)-.  Launey, Introduccin a la lengua nhuatl, 174, refers to such verbs as semitransitives although the list of such verbs that he gives is different than the one above. Moreover, rather than positing that these verbs are both intransitive and transitive, he states that instead of taking the nonreferential object prefix tla-, the prefix simply the subject, como si fueran intransitivos.  Note with (-)to:ka the apparently innovative development by which the object of this verb becomes the field planted, and not the seed, might be a calque derived through an influence from Spanish (voy a sembrar mi terreno/voy a sembrar frijoles or voy a sembrar este frijol).  Some speakers will interpret the direct object of -to:ka as referring to the actual seed planted, others to the land that receives the seed. Note that in its acceptation as to bury the verb -to:ka is always transitive: mo:stla nikto:kas notah, kimich o:mik tomorrow Ill bury my father, he just died yesterday. As to bury (not to plant) the verb -to:ka readily accepts the nonreferential object prefixes, e.g. te:to:kalo:s someone will be buried.  In this sense it performs many of the functions of an antipassive construction; see Ann Cooreman, A functional typology of antipassives, in Voice: Form and Function, eds. Barbara Fox and Paul J. Hopper (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1994), 4988.  Several consultants have mentioned, over the course of the years and in completed isolated situations, that if one goes to a fiesta and there is no meat being served, one does not say tlakwa:lo:s there will be a meal (lit., people will eat).   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